Reimagining Malaysia Part 4: Government-Linked-Companies (GLCs) Governance

When it comes to the topic of governance and management of public funds, many people think only about government agencies and departments. However in Malaysia, government-linked companies (GLCs) (and some statutory bodies*) as well as government-linked investment companies (GLICs) also handle significant amounts of public wealth. Therefore, attention must also be focussed on their governance and performance to protect and maximise the people’s interest. 

GLCs as Political Vehicles

According to studies conducted by Universiti Malaya’s Prof Edmund Terence Gomez, seven federal GLICs – Minister of Finance Inc (MoF Inc), Khazanah Nasional Bhd, Permodalan Nasional Bhd, the Employees Provident Fund, Lembaga Tabung Angkatan Tentera, Lembaga Tabung Haji and Kumpulan Wang Persaraan (KWAP) – control 35 of the top 100 listed companies in Malaysia, and have a combined market capitalisation of 42 percent of the total market capitalisation of the companies listed on Bursa Malaysia.

Ten levels down, these GLICs have exposure to 6,342 companies by way of shareholding of their listed companies, subsidiaries and associates. The figure below shows the web of control of the GLICs with respect to the government agencies[1].

From this chart, it isn’t difficult to see that the prime minister, who’s also the finance minister, now has large control not only in the political world but also in the corporate world. There is a dangerous concentration of power in just one person – the Prime Minister. 

The concentration of political and corporate power combined with the weak institutions has made the ground fertile for the birth of the biggest scandal in the history of Malaysia.

Reimagining Malaysia Part 3: Legislative Reform in Selangor the Future of Parliament

Many people may not aware, since the change of state government in 2008, the Selangor Legislative Assembly has undergone a series of legislative reforms. I will share some of the important checks and balances mechanisms that have been put in place in Selangor to strengthen the legislature and how Parliament can be reformed in the future for national-level legislative oversights.

Formation of Select Committees in Selangor

Since 2008, the Selangor Legislative Assembly has formed six select committees and and four special select committees. These committees meet when the state assembly is not in session and help to provide legislative scrutiny on executive administration.

Select Committee i. Public Account Committee (PAC) or Jawantankuasa Kira-Kira Wang Kerajaan ii. Select Committee of District and Land Office or Jawatankuasa Pilihan Pejabat Daerah dan Tanah (JP-PADAT) iii. Select Committee of Local Authority or Jawatankuasa Pilihan Pihak Berkuasa Tempatan (JP-PBT) iv. Select Committee of Agency, Statutory Body and Subsidiary Company or Jawatankuasa Pilihan Agensi, Badan Berkanun dan Anak Syarikat (JP-ABAS) v. Standing Orders Committee or Jawatankuasa Peraturan Tetap vi. Rights and Privileges Committee or Jawatankuasa Hak dan Kebebasan

Special Select Committee i. Selangor Competency, Accountability and Transparency Committee (SELCAT) or Jawatankuasa Pilihan Khas Mengenai Keupayaan, Kebertanggungjawaban dan Ketelusan Selangor ii. Special Select Committee on Poverty Eradication or Jawatankuasa Pilihan Khas Pembasmian Kemiskinan iii. Special Select Committee of Management of the Assembly or Jawatankuasa Pilihan Khas Pengurusan Dewan iv. Special Select Committee of Water Resources Management of the State of Selangor (JPK-SAS) or Jawatankuasa Pilihan Khas Pengurusan Sumber Air Negeri Selangor

Reimagining Malaysia Part 2: Don’t Trust Politicians, Trust Institutions

If there is only one thing you could change in this country, what would it be? Because of my upbringing, my answer used to be education.

Six years in politics has made me realise that the most important aspect of any government is governance. Strong governance is the prerequisite to a good economy, education, social welfare and everything else. When the government is clean, taxpayer money is put to good use; when the government is accountable, its performance can be monitored and subsequently improved.

Power corrupts and absolute power corrupts absolutely. People do change, more so politicians, who are placed in high places. To quote Abraham Lincoln, “Nearly all men can stand adversity, but if you want to test a man’s character, give him power.”

Throughout the years in politics, I have come to the realisation that even the most convicted and passionate politicians are sinners that are trying to do the right things for the country. Temptation will come in many forms and if left unchecked, even the most saintly politician will fall.

This is why we need a strong checks and balances system to safeguard the interests of the people against those in power. If you forget everything I am going to say, please remember this: Good leaders come and go, only good institutions remain. 

Reimagining Malaysia Part 1: Introduction

I entered into politics 6 years ago with a deep belief that “all that is necessary for the triumph of evil is good man do nothing.”

I was elected in the 13th General Election as the State Assemblywoman for Damansara Utama on 5 May 2013.

Photo credit: Brandon

Our country has gone through a lot of challenges since then.

青年就业(三): 在第四次工业改革世代发光发热

“在新世界里，并不是大鱼去吃小鱼，而是快鱼去吃慢鱼。” －世界经济论坛创办人兼执行主席克劳斯·施瓦布（Klaus Schwab）－

我们身处的世界瞬息万变。美国通用电气公司在2014年的咨询报告书《未来就业》（The Future of Work）中估计，今天进小学的孩子，有65%会在未来从事今天还不存在的新工作。[1] 以一支短片讲述世界未来趋势而激起全球讨论的《你知道吗？》（Did You Know?）制作者McLeod, Scott及Karl Fisch则估计，以现有的科技变化速度来看，在四年制的理工学士课程中，学生在第一年所学到的约50%学科知识，在第三年的时候就已经过时。[2]

人类正在进入第四次工业革命时代。人工智能（Artificial Intelligence, 简称AI）、机器学习、大数据、物联网（Internet-of-Things, 简称IoT）、立体打印（3D printing）、纳米科技和其他新科技，将会在我们不久的将来带来革命性的改变。科技正以前所未见的方式取代工作。

青年就业(二): 怎样解决马来西亚青年的失业及低度就业现象？

我在青年就业(一)文章里讨论了在贩卖椰浆饭和当优步司机的年轻毕业生背后，潜藏着马来西亚经济所面对的深层次结构性问题, 以致青年面对失业和就业不足（低薪金）的双重打击。我们需要重新思考和调整整个经济结构，为青年创造更多就业机会，不仅是就业机会，而且还是能够提供可观收入，发挥潜能及施展愿景的良好的就业机会。

以下是政府应该做的五件事，来创造一个更适合马来西亚青年的经济。

青年就业（一）：贩卖椰浆饭和当优步司机的年轻大专毕业生

敦马哈迪最近有关年轻毕业生贩卖椰浆饭和当优步司机的评论，招来国阵数名政治人物的负面批评。甚至连本应对马来西亚青年的经济状况有更好理解的青年与体育部部长凯里，也诉诸否定和歪曲事实的低下手段；他更应该向民众解释，政府在处理这个现象背后的经济结构性问题上究竟做了什么。

年轻毕业生当然可以选择贩卖椰浆饭和当优步司机。但我们要问的问题却是，贩卖椰浆饭和当优步司机是否真的是他们的兴趣和梦想，还是他们其实是被迫的，只因为他们无法在他们受训的领域内获得薪资不错的工作？

在贩卖椰浆饭和当优步司机的年轻毕业生背后，潜藏着今天的马来西亚青年所面对的深层次结构性问题。

Putting aside the past, for the future

I am a 27-year-old member of DAP. When the announcement was first made that Bersatu will join the opposition coalition, I could not stomach it.

I shook my head at the idea of working with a political party with a race-based façade. We the opposition had fought long against the laws, policies, the institutional and social fragmentation that occurred during former prime minister Dr Mahathir Mohamad’s era – how could we turn our backs on our work all these years and now sleep with the devil (so to speak)?

I figured that there must have been a reason for this move, and instead of criticising, chose to first listen to my leaders. In doing so, I effectively had a mirror held up in front of me for a good, hard look. I realised that the questions I asked, had too, reflected of me. Let me explain why.